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For them, the lack of access to the possibility of obtaining a residence permit further aggravates the violations of rights due to the existing gender gap and the digital divide that makes it more difficult for them to use telematic systems. In 2018, a telematic system for access to the administration was established for the application and renewal of residence permits. Since then, law firms, agencies, and similar groups, thanks to advanced computer means, obtain all the scarce appointments that the Administration is issuing, appointments that later sell for up to € 400 to affected people. According to Spanish immigration legislation, being duly documented by the Spanish Administration, the right to a legal identity as a foreigner in Spain constitutes a right for all the migrant and refugee population.

In my work in Southwestern Colorado with immigrants from Guatemala, most immigrants I worked with who migrated alone were, like Marvin, male and motivated to migrate because of poverty. Migrating to the United States is, for many young men, a rite of passage in Guatemala, a journey imbued with cultural merit stretching beyond mere economics. One 17-year-old immigrant from Totonicapán shared with me that it wasn’t even his decision to come to the United States. His father sat him down one day and bluntly told him it was time—it was his turn to travel to the United States and do as his father had done.

Randomly approaching women on the street during the day isn’t the best move here in Guatemala. Guatemala is the biggest country in the region by population, after all.

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And far from being kept from the family he tore apart, under Guatemalan law Gehovany has the right to visit his son upon release, according to legal officials in Guatemala. During the activity, a medium-term project was presented by the Law Society, which aims to build an evidence-based business case for women in the legal profession. Guatemala has the third highest femicide charge on the planet – between 2007 and 2012 there have been 9.1 murders for each 100,000 girls according to the Nationwide Guatemalan Police. And last 12 months 846 ladies were killed in a inhabitants of little greater than 15 million, says the State Prosecutors Workplace.

  • It also illuminates the nature and sources of the gaps between policies and their impacts, demonstrating that many Guatemalan women remained marginalized from security and justice, despite attempts to protect them, for two reasons.
  • The leaders of both The Angélica Fuentes Foundation and Girl Up stated that their main goal of pushing for a higher marriage age was to aid the children in Guatemala.
  • In 2016, she toured the United States and performed at the United Nations headquarters in New York, during the Permanent Forum of Indigenous Issues.
  • Armed conflict breaks out between left-wing guerilla groups and the military forces, characterized by abductions, sexual violence, killing and dumping of bodies in mass graves.
  • Previously, girls could be married at 14 and boys could be married at 16.

They prefer to follow the traditions and customs; that’s why they don’t try to be leaders in relationships. Women like to take care of the house, husband and children, and let their men be the head of a family. The society in which girls exist leaves an imprint on their mindset and behavior in particular.

Since the signing of the Peace Accords, however, economic concerns have come to rival security concerns as the primary motivating factor for Guatemalans to migrate. In surveys of Guatemalan immigrants along the U.S. border and of undocumented immigrants being deported, economic concerns have equaled or even surpassed the threat of violence as the impetus for making the journey. One Guatemalan immigrant, we’ll call him Marvin, said “what motivated me to emigrate was that I had land to build a house, our own house, for me and my wife and our two children,” Marvin said. “But, with the salary I earned in Guatemala, it would never be enough for me to build the home,” Marvin continued, recalling what motivated him to migrate north in 2005.

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Central to this legacy, that is the State’s failure to adequately respond to the ever-deepening normalization of violence, is the discouraging development and perpetuation of a socio-legal environment in which accountability lags and impunity soars. For Guatemalan women, this is a matter of life or death, whereby if lethal violence does not kill them, the heavy toll on quality of life, citizenship, and psychological health may be equally injurious. This article posits that alongside strong legislation, coherent support in areas deemed critical for implementation such as improved judicial access, resources, and oversight must also be addressed to advance beyond a rhetorical-legal adoption of these norms.

The Latin American Research Review publishes original research in Latin American, Caribbean, and Latina/Latino studies. Founded in 1965, LARR publishes articles in the humanities and social sciences, covering the fields of anthropology, economics, history, literature and cultural studies, political science, and sociology. It is the official scholarly journal of the Latin American Studies Association . She was murdered by death squads on September 11, 1990—two days after her pioneering research was published in English. The research shed light on how indigenous populations were displaced or killed due to the Guatemalan government and U.S.-sponsored counterinsurgency practices.

More than 200 women were killed in the first eight months of this year in the Central American nation, and more than 3,000 women and girls have been killed since 2015, according to human rights groups tracking government statistics. The Center for Human Development has a close relationship with the community it serves.

Some eight million indigenous people live in Guatemala, most descendants of the Mayan civilization that once dominated Central America. “We are discriminated against one, because we are poor, second, because we are indigenous and because we are women,” Victoria Cumes Jochola, coordinator of Nuestra Voz, or Our Voice rights group, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation. TECPAN, Guatemala – An indigenous woman in Guatemala is more likely than all her fellow citizens to mail order african brides be sick, illiterate, poor and overwhelmed by too many unplanned children. Guatemala has been through a lot of upheaval as a country in the past century. Throughout this turbulent time, women have emerged as inspirational leaders. Ligia GomezThis method is by no means comprehensive, as the clinicians recognise, and they acknowledge the need for more staff; Gomez says she is one of three psychologists in Quetzaltenango department and there are no psychiatrists.

Guatemala’s civil war was not only one of the deadliest in the region, it also left behind a legacy of violence against women. Mack’s sister, Myrna – after whom the human rights organisation is named – died after she was stabbed in the street by a military death squad in 1990. Myrna had uncovered the extent of the physical and sexual violence the army had used against Mayan communities. Lane’s aunt disappeared in 1981 after she joined left-wing guerrillas fighting the military government. Around the time Lane’s aunt died, news began to filter out of the rape, torture and murder of tens of thousands of women and girls – mostly from indigenous Mayan communities accused of supporting the insurgents. These workshops compliment other projects Mujerave carries out as well.

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Because these acts are omissions and modifications to the law’s intended application, an overhaul of the law itself is unnecessary. Rather, the focus can be more externally-oriented on driving initiatives like expanding regional access to specialized courts and services , funding providers, building networks, and prioritizing case-management. Connecting legal-foundational support with locally-assessed disparities can further empower participation and support individuals’ transition from victims to active agents of change. According to an interview with the Unit of Directorate for Investigation , only about 50 percent of complaints filed with the MP are sent to UDI for further investigation, with the remaining complaints being dismissed (WOLA, 2019; Ruiz, 2018). Without the proper collection, testing, and presentation of evidence, to include victim and witness testimony, courts are unable to fairly render judgments against accused persons, and many cases are dismissed by the MP prior to a preliminary hearing or trial before the court. Although acting within its prosecutorial discretion, it is unclear whether the cases dismissed by the MP actually lacked a factual basis sufficient for prosecution from the outset, or if they were just poorly investigated. This also raises serious questions about the willingness and capacity to prioritize and adjudicate complaints of gender-based violence in ordinary courts.